Never have I known this darkness from before, nor this bone deep feeling of despair. It seems the echoes of loneliness and hopelessness have grabbed me whole while I am writing in exile. And I am sure that this feeling is shared among many of my comrades in the struggle for a democratic and developed Zimbabwe. But I believe that fear holds their truth away, whether they’re silenced by the dread of judgement or the pressure to be politically correct while they suffer in silence; no one knows. But it is apt to stir this discussion now.
The picture is grim!
It is bluntly clear that the degrees of freedom for the civil society and human rights defenders in the political and developmental discourse of Zimbabwe has been restricted. This trend has been happening for a long time. Today, the social contract is completely broken. It has become typical state behaviour to abuse and repress the forces of good will – it’s a state that consumes its own.
It’s almost seven years since the November 17th coup, the so called “soft coup” which in essence was a military coup. We witnessed the removal of Robert Mugabe and saw the installation of President Emerson Munangagwa as the head of the second republic by the military. We were hopeful for a fresh start. It was a campaign by the military to remove the former dictator from power and to lobby for the public and international support. The military called their actions to be in target of the criminal elements surrounding the then president.
An accountable and functional government was promised. Ending Zimbabwe’s international isolation and reengagement was also promised, so was justice. Seven years after, a conflicting reality exists. The picture is grim! Consistent with the previous regime, the present regime is also marked by sustained systematic and structured repression, such as gross human rights violations, repression and restrictions of the freedom of expression.
Civil society has a crucial role in the development of Zimbabwe
Civil society organisations have a crucial role in promoting sustainable development by advocating for human rights, good governance and social justice in Zimbabwe. They provide essential services and empower marginalized communities, at the same time holding the government accountable. For instance, the work that is done by organisations such as Youth Empowerment and Transformation Trust (YETT) and working in cooperation with the Zimbabwe National students’ Union (ZINASU). They engage young people in sustainable development initiatives by providing training in leadership, entrepreneurship, and environmental conservation. Looking also at the work being done by international organisations in remote and rural areas, where the majority of the vulnerable and marginalised people reside. These organisations offer wide support to the people. They strive for greater ground in their domains and policy areas of delivery, from child welfare to education and health, from food security to sustainable livelihood. Witnessing such work one cannot go by not noticing the vitality of the pivotal and support role that is played by civil society in the quest for achieving the Sustainable Development Goals and fostering a just and equitable society for all in the context of Zimbabwe.
Hostile environment for activists
However, the prevailing operating environment for civil society in Zimbabwe has bluntly become increasingly hostile. The government has enacted repressive legislation, such as the Private Voluntary Organisations (PVO) Amendment Bill, which is intended to “combat money laundering and terrorism financing, streamline administrative procedures and prevent political lobbying”. The State’s argument for the bill is that they aim to align domestic laws with international standards to prevent the misuse of charities for criminal and terrorist activities, streamline the registration process for private voluntary organisations, and introduce measures against proliferation financing. If signed into law, to put it figuratively, the bill is like a heavy net being used by the farmer to protect his garden from pests. The threat lies in the heavy handedness of the net and its capacity to stifle the very plants it seeks to protect. The threat is imbedded in the potential violation of human rights, such as the freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association. The bill grants the government extensive powers to interfere with the operations, governance and activities of civil society organisations. Moreso compelling organisations to register as PVOs. If denied registration they are forced to halt their operations.
In addition to the restrictions by the PVO amendment bill, the broader legislative environment in Zimbabwe continues to close on the civil society. Legislative pieces like the Criminal Law amendment act no. 10/2023 criminalizes not only criticism of the government, but also vaguely define acts of “injuring national interest.”. These vague definitions have had negative effects on the freedoms of speech and activism, as civil society organisations face constant threats of closure, surveillance and arbitrary arrests. At the same time, the judiciary which has been state captured and co-opted by the ruling regime, often denies bail and prolong legal battles against activists, in some cases leading to prolonged detention of prominent opposition members like Job Sikhala. Clearly the State’s agenda is to neutralize any form of criticism and nullify all actions directed to keep the State in check and accountable, while using the law and legal chambers as a weapon to destroy those who dare to challenge and criticise the status-quo.
This systematic abuse of power has persistently been witnessed. As a former student leader and human rights defender forced to flee Zimbabwe, I have witnessed firsthand the suffocating environment experienced by civil society organisations and activists in Zimbabwe. Recently, there has been a trend where the state is in pursuit of the civil society. For instance, the recent arrest and detention of pro-democracy activists reinforces the ongoing challenges faced by civil society in Zimbabwe. Namatai Kwekweza, a resilient advocate for constitutionalism and human rights, Robson Chere, a contemporary trade unionist with the Amalgamated Rural Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (ARTUZ), and Samuel Gwenzi, a Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) councillor (former ZINASU Coordinator), were detained for 35 days under harsh conditions on malicious charges of disorderly conduct, after allegedly staging a protest in solidarity with other opposition members.
Following their experience, which included being forcibly removed from a plane and subjected to torture, speaks to the challenges that the civil society faces in Zimbabwe. Despite their recent eventual release on bail, the conditions of their arrest and the time spent in detention highlight the broader environment of fear and repression that stifles development and activism in the country. At a personal level these cases are indicative of a society where legitimate developmental interests are criminalized, and civil liberties are under constant threat. One notices that these latest events are part of a broader pattern of state repression. These developments make it evident that Zimbabwe's civil society continues to navigate a landscape fraught with dangers and threats, where standing up for rights often comes at a great personal cost.
Shrinking space
Civil society once played a significant role in supporting vulnerable and marginalized communities, and empowering citizens to claim their rights, Today, the persistent targeting of the civil society comes together with the moves by the government to suffocate the opposition and other democratic forces and actors. Recent trends show how intentionally the regime systematically co-opts media, professional bodies, and religious organisations to suppress opposition. For instant, initiatives like “lawyers for ED” and “teachers for ED”, where ED stands for Emmerson Mnangagwa are a part of the regime’s machinery to stifle free speech and control key sectors of government. This is not only a fight for survival and existence for civil society in Zimbabwe, but a struggle to maintain a voice and stake in the governance of the country. In the broader scheme of things, this is happening at a time where international pressure and solidarity have decreased, further isolating Zimbabwe’s civil space.
When one looks at the Zimbabwe’s civil society, it’s clearly noticeable that on one hand they are fatigued and on the other hand restricted. One cannot avoid processing and questioning the change that one desires to see, when one looks at the role and position of the civil society and activists in Zimbabwe.
Norway's support
And “How can Zimbabwe’s civil society organisations and space be supported?” I think first of protection of the space where civil society organisations and activists can operate freely without fear of reprisal. An environment where government respects human rights and upholds the rule of law. Thus, for instance the Norwegian civil society’s role or contribution towards this vision, firstly one cannot overlook the important role of solidarity and support for the struggle for development and democracy in Zimbabwe. I urge Norway to continue and to strengthen what Norway has been traditionally doing, the provision of financial and technical assistance to Zimbabwean civil society organisations. Disposing both financial and technical resources for uptake by local organisations will boost their capacity for development. They will be able to demonstrate their commitment and discharge their responsibilities effectively and efficiently. At an international level Norwegian civil society can help to keep the pressure where it belongs. Advocating for policy changes and raising awareness of the Zimbabwe’s weakened democracy will strengthen and safeguard the civil space.
I strongly believe that this will go a long way in assisting in the creation and restoration of a more enabling environment for civil society, contributing meaningfully to the achievement of sustainable development in Zimbabwe.